From the Los Angeles Times
Ireland sees growing opposition to European constitution
The June 12 vote on the Lisbon Treaty now
seems less certain, as opposition groups, some businessmen and farmers
raise concerns about sovereignty.
By Kim Murphy
Los Angeles Times Staff Writer
June 1, 2008
NENAGH, IRELAND —
The "Yes on the EU" bus rolled into town blaring a foot-stomping
"Galway Girl" from its megaphone one afternoon last week, but what it
got was a whole lot of no.
An Irishman has always been a hard sell, and never more so than when
issues of sovereignty are at stake.
"People
died for your freedom," declares one of the signs that have popped up
in this agricultural town as Ireland prepares to vote June 12 on the
European Union's new constitution. "Don't throw it away."
Farmer
Ida McLoughlin isn't sold on the other posters plastered around town:
"Vote yes for jobs, the economy and Ireland's future."
"Since
the EU, all you see are 4x4s going down the street and big buildings
going up. The thatched cottages are gone," McLoughlin said. "You have
all these Johnny-come-lately people who were poor and got rich, and
they're dreadful people. We've lost our Irish values."
Adoption of the so-called Lisbon Treaty
requires ratification by all 27 member states of the EU, which could
take a much more prominent role on the world stage under the
streamlined diplomacy and beefed-up military readiness the document
envisions.
Fourteen nations have ratified the agreement through
their parliaments, and the remainder are expected to do so by the end
of the year. Only Ireland's constitution requires a referendum -- and
that could make or break the long-awaited constitution.
The
Irish government, most business leaders and political parties of nearly
every stripe have come out overwhelmingly in favor of the Lisbon
Treaty, pointing out how Ireland's membership in the EU over the last
35 years has helped transform the Emerald Isle of 4.1 million people
from an impoverished backwater dependent on Britain to one of Europe's
most robust economies.
But a newly vigorous opposition composed
of farmers, a few wealthy businessmen with vague connections to the
U.S. defense establishment and the leftist Irish republican party, Sinn Fein, have gained quickly in
recent polls, and the outcome is suddenly no longer a sure thing.
It
is not clear what happens if Ireland says no -- except that the union
would surely be plunged, as it was when France and the Netherlands
voted down an earlier EU constitution in 2005, into uncertainty and
more tedious negotiations on what EU leaders say is a badly needed
framework for decision-making among its suddenly more numerous member
states.
"It would put us in the very tortured position of going
back to the drawing board," said Marc Coleman, a Dublin-based economic
analyst.
The treaty signed in Lisbon in December would help
Europe project itself more forcefully on the international stage by
creating a European Council president and foreign affairs
representative while outlining a framework for EU troop deployments in
peacekeeping and humanitarian missions.
The treaty would broaden
and establish a legal basis for the EU's lawmaking powers in some areas
while making them subject much more directly to national parliaments
and citizens initiatives. It would set out voting weights between large
and small countries, improve cross-border cooperation in areas such as
crime fighting and climate change and streamline the European
Commission to a manageable decision-making body of 18.
Under the
treaty, member nations still would retain their historic veto power in
crucial areas such as defense, foreign policy, taxation and social
security, but not on issues like immigration and energy policy.
Voters
in overwhelmingly Catholic Ireland worry that the nation would be
forced to expand abortion rights (no), forfeit its long tradition of
military neutrality (no) or give up the holy grail of the Celtic Tiger
economic miracle, Ireland's 12.5% corporate tax rate (probably not,
though some in Europe would like to try).
Treaty opponents say
the government is too smoothly dismissing what may be legitimate fears
and is too quick to warn that Ireland would incur the wrath of the rest
of Europe if it voted no.
"People always say Ireland is in very
good standing at the European level. But why wouldn't we be? We haven't
invaded one of the partner countries, we haven't partitioned them. But
we're also a small member state, and in the power structure that is the
EU, small states have to be very careful in how they protect their
status and institutions," said Mary Lou McDonald, a member of the
European Parliament with Sinn Fein.
Here in County Tipperary,
the "Yes on the EU" bus was stopping in front of village cafes and
bakeries; young activists from the majority Fianna Fail
party trailed out in yellow T-shirts. They smiled and passed out
leaflets touting EU membership as a bonanza for Ireland -- the country
received 58 billion euros in European funds for agriculture,
infrastructure and other programs from 1973 to 2003. Its exports to
other EU states increased from 45 billion euros in 1997 to 87 billion
in 2006.
Maire Hoctor,
a Fianna Fail lawmaker and a minister of state from Nenagh, strolled
the sidewalks, stopping for hugs, handshakes and an occasional
tongue-lashing. She was joined by party colleague Jim Casey, mayor of
North Tipperary.
"They're not going to give us anything. They're
going to take it away, for sure," said Bernie O'Brien, an elderly woman
who resisted their overtures.
"I remember when we had nothing in this county: We had a one-way ticket
to Britain, and that was our lot," Hoctor told her.
Much
of the opposition in rural Ireland involves an issue that has nothing
to do with the EU treaty at all: agriculture proposals submitted last
month to the World Trade Organization by the European trade
commissioner, who is Britain's former envoy to the British province of
Northern Ireland.
Irish farmers say the trade proposals could
put 50,000 cattle farmers in Ireland out of business by easing
importation of Brazilian and Argentine beef and driving down prices.
The Irish Farmers Assn. says it will
urge its members to vote "no" on the EU treaty if Ireland doesn't
exercise its EU veto to block the trade proposals.
"It's just
going to decimate farms," McLoughlin told Hoctor. "Sure, we've gotten
subsidies from the EU. We got the check in the post, like everyone
else. We were bought. We were humiliated. My husband has been told what
to grow, when to grow it."
Casey said the issue shouldn't be used to block a treaty that will be
good for Ireland.
"We've always negotiated good deals for the farmers in Ireland in
Europe, and I'm convinced that will continue," he said. "The EU has
provided well for farmers. Since we entered Europe, everything has
gotten much, much better."
The other main source of opposition has come from a group called Libertas,
fronted by two wealthy businessmen who have had extensive contracts
with the U.S. military. This has caused some in the Irish media to
speculate that the group is advancing the agenda of U.S. conservatives,
some of whom worry that a stronger, united Europe would undermine U.S.
interests on the continent.
But Ulick McEvaddy, a former
military intelligence officer whose company has contracts for aerial
refueling with the U.S. Navy and Marine Corps and who is one of
Libertas' biggest supporters, said he was worried about threats to
Ireland's independence.
"We're handing over direct
responsibility and huge issues of sovereignty to the Brussels
parliament," McEvaddy said. "If they believe in this great experiment,
put it to all the people of Europe."
Even in County Tipperary, some are willing to give it the benefit of
the doubt.
"Europe hasn't let us down yet," said Mick Connell, a member of the
local council in Templemore, not far from Nenagh. "That should be good
enough."
Copyright 2008 Los Angeles Times