From the Los Angeles Times
The last of the Tibetans
Their culture may survive only outside of
China's sweeping modernization.
By Ian Buruma
March 26, 2008
ARE THE TIBETANS doomed to go the way of the American Indians? Will
they be reduced to being little more than a tourist attraction,
peddling cheap mementos of what was once a great culture? In Tibet
itself, that sad fate is looking more and more likely. And the Olympic
year is already soured by the way the Chinese government is trying to
suppress resistance to just that fate.
The Chinese have much to answer for, but the end of Tibet is not just a
matter of semi-colonial oppression. It is often forgotten that many
Tibetans, especially educated people in the larger towns, were so keen
to modernize their society in the mid-20th century that they saw the
Chinese communists as allies against rule by monks and serf-owning
landlords. The Dalai Lama himself, in the early 1950s, was impressed by
Chinese reforms and wrote poems praising Chairman Mao.
Alas, instead of reforming Tibetan society and culture, the Chinese
communists wrecked it. Religion was crushed in the name of Marxist
secularism. Monasteries and temples were destroyed during the Cultural
Revolution (often with the help of Tibetan Red Guards). Nomads were
forced into concrete settlements. Tibetan arts were frozen into
folkloric emblems of an officially promoted "minority culture." And the
Dalai Lama and his entourage were forced to flee to India.
Such destruction was not peculiar to Tibet. The wrecking of
tradition and forced cultural regimentation took place everywhere in
China. In some respects, the Tibetans were treated less ruthlessly than
the majority of Chinese. Nor was the challenge to Tibetan uniqueness
only typical of the communists. Gen. Chiang Kai-shek declared in 1946
that the Tibetans were Chinese, and he certainly would not have granted
them independence if his Nationalists had won the civil war.
If Tibetan Buddhism has been severely damaged, Chinese communism has
barely survived the ravages of the 20th century. But capitalist
development in China has been even more devastating to Tibetan
tradition. Like many modern imperialist powers, China claims legitimacy
for its policies by pointing to the material benefits. After decades of
destruction and neglect, Tibet has benefited from enormous amounts of
Chinese money and energy to modernize the country. The Tibetans cannot
complain that they have been left behind in China's transformation from
a Third World wreck to a marvel of supercharged urban development.
Along the way, regional identity, cultural diversity and traditional
arts and customs have been buried under concrete, steel and glass all
over China. And all Chinese are gasping in the same polluted air. But
at least the Han Chinese can feel pride in the revival of their
national fortunes. They can bask in the resurgence of Chinese power and
material wealth. The Tibetans can share this feeling only to the extent
that they become fully Chinese. If not, they can only lament the loss
of their identity.
The Chinese have exported their version of modern development to Tibet,
not just in terms of architecture and infrastructure but people, wave
after wave of them: businessmen from Sichuan, prostitutes from Hunan,
technocrats from Beijing, party officials from Shanghai, shopkeepers
from Yunnan. The majority of the people living today in the Tibetan
capital, Lhasa, are no longer Tibetan. Most people in rural areas are
Tibetan, but their way of life is not likely to survive Chinese
modernization any more than the ways of the Apaches did in the United
States.
Because Chinese is the language of instruction at Tibetan schools and
universities, anyone who wishes to be more than a poor peasant, beggar
or seller of trinkets has to conform to it -- that is to say, in a
crucial way, become Chinese. Even the Tibetan intellectuals who want to
study their own classical literature have to do so in Chinese
translation. Meanwhile, Chinese and other foreign tourists dress up in
traditional Tibetan dress to have souvenir pictures taken in front of
the Dalai Lama's old palace.
Religion is tolerated now in Tibet, as it is in the rest of China, but
under strictly controlled conditions. Monasteries and temples are
exploited as tourist attractions, and government agents try to make
sure that the monks stay in line. As we know from recent events, they
have not yet been entirely successful. The resentment among Tibetans
runs too deep. In the last few weeks, that resentment boiled over,
first in the monasteries, and then in the streets, against the Han
Chinese migrants, who are the agents and main beneficiaries of rapid
modernization.
The Dalai Lama has repeatedly said that he does not seek independence
for his homeland. However, as long as Tibet remains part of China, it
is hard to see how its distinct cultural identity can survive. The
human and material forces against it are overwhelming. There are too
few Tibetans and too many Chinese.
Outside Tibet, however, it is a different story. If the Chinese are
responsible for extinguishing the old way of life inside Tibet, they
may have been unintentionally responsible for keeping it alive outside.
By forcing the Dalai Lama into exile, they have ensured the
establishment of a highly traditional Tibetan diaspora society that
might well survive at a level that would have been unlikely even in an
independent Tibet. Diaspora cultures thrive on nostalgic dreams of
return. Traditions are jealously guarded, like precious heirlooms, to
be passed on as long as those dreams persist. Who is to say that they
will never come true? The Jews managed to hang on to theirs for more
than 2,000 years.
Ian Buruma is a contributing editor to Opinion. He is a professor of
human rights at Bard College, and his most recent book is "Murder in
Amsterdam: The Killing of Theo van Gogh and the Limits of Tolerance."
Copyright 2008 Los Angeles Times