THE CONFLICT IN IRAQ: SPLIT OVER DE-BAATHIFICATION
Iraqi allies, U.S. split on Baathist
policy
Baghdad is blocking a reform that Washington
considers crucial to its strategy for reining in violence.
By Paul Richter
Times Staff Writer
February 24, 2007
WASHINGTON — Serious new divisions have emerged between the Bush
administration and its Iraqi allies over the Baghdad government's
refusal to enact a reform that the White House considers crucial to its
new strategy for bringing the country's violence under control.
In spite of a commitment by Iraq's prime minister to its passage,
legislation that would ease rules barring former members of Saddam
Hussein's Baath Party from government service has been blocked by the
country's Shiite-dominated parliament.
U.S. officials repeatedly have expressed confidence that Prime Minister
Nouri Maliki would work for passage of "de-Baathification" reform.
However, they have begun to express disappointment over the Iraqi
stalemate, saying that the reform remains a top political priority and
is essential to convince the country's Sunni minority that it can
receive fair treatment in the new system.
One U.S. official said the reform, far from advancing as promised, was
"moving backward" and "almost dead in the water."
Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice and State Department official David
Satterfield, her top Iraq advisor, paid an unannounced visit to Baghdad
last weekend for consultations with top Iraqi officials. But on this
issue, aides said, they came away discouraged.
Administration officials also have expressed disappointment with the
work of a special Iraqi panel on de-Baathification headed by Ahmad
Chalabi, the U.S.-trained financier who became controversial as an
advocate for the invasion of Iraq.
The dimming prospects for reform hold troubling implications for the
administration's new strategy on Iraq, which relies heavily on
political reconciliation between Sunni Arab and Shiite Muslims as a way
to stem the sectarian violence that has gripped the country for the
last year.
President Bush ordered 21,500 additional combat troops to Iraq last
month as part of a new U.S. strategy to establish order in Baghdad. The
goal is to allow the government to achieve political progress and
ethnic reconciliation, Bush and his aides have said.
The administration considers de-Baathification reform, along with
legislation dividing the country's oil wealth, to be the two most
important political steps the country can take to reconcile its warring
factions. U.S. military officials have been buoyed by early results of
the security push, but the reconciliation legislation has yet to
advance.
The new conflict between Washington and the Iraqi leadership
underscores the difficulty of reaching reconciliation and the fragility
of the U.S. partnership with the Iraqi government.
After months of trying to persuade Maliki to take steps toward
political reconciliation, he made a commitment late last year to a
series of "benchmarks." One of them was the de-Baathification reform,
which Maliki said would be implemented by early this year.
The participation of former Baath Party members has been an issue since
2003, when U.S. officials and their Iraqi allies began an aggressive
effort to bar about 30,000 former party members from government
service. The ban affected some of the country's top talent, from senior
civilian and military officials to low-level government functionaries
and even schoolteachers.
Ban went too far
In 2004, U.S. officials came to the view that they had gone too
far. They decided the rules had been too harsh, considering that the
government is the country's biggest employer. Administration officials
also began to fear that they were feeding the insurgency and convincing
Sunnis that the Shiite majority in the new Iraq was vengeful.
Now, even Army Gen. David H. Petraeus, the new senior U.S. commander in
Iraq, favors easing the rules so mid-level officers can rejoin the
military, giving it the benefit of their experience.
Nevertheless, a large majority of Shiites and Kurds oppose efforts to
relax the rules. After decades of persecution by Hussein's government,
many fear that the Baath Party still exists in the Iraqi underground,
and some contend that many Baath Party members, even low-level
government workers, acted as enforcers and spies for Hussein's
government and should be excluded.
Michael Rubin, a former official with the U.S.-led Coalition
Provisional Authority, which ran the country from the toppling of the
Hussein regime in 2003 to 2004, said that "among more than 80% of the
Iraqi population, the policy is quite popular."
"Putting it bluntly, if de-Baathification were left to Iraqi democracy,
it would remain as the policy of Iraq," Rubin said.
Key Shiites opposed
The reforms need the approval of the Iraqi Council of
Representatives, or parliament. But the proposal has been opposed by
key leaders of the two large Shiite parties, the Islamic Dawa Party and
the Supreme Council for Islamic Revolution in Iraq.
U.S. officials believe that a committee that drafted the reform measure
was not generous enough toward the thousands of Iraqis who are still
excluded by the de-Baathification law. They have urged that only the
two highest levels of Baath Party members be excluded, and that others
who have been denied jobs be reinstated.
Chalabi, once a close ally of the Pentagon during Donald H. Rumsfeld's
tenure as Defense secretary, heads the commission overseeing the
de-Baathification program.
Satterfield, Rice's advisor, told the Senate Foreign Relations
Committee last month that he was optimistic that the reforms would be
approved. But he said the proposal from Chalabi's de-Baathification
panel was insufficient and did not live up to Maliki's "expansive"
vision of the needed reform.
A senior Bush administration official, speaking on condition of
anonymity when discussing internal administration assessments, said in
an interview that the issue was one that top U.S. officials "have been
watching pretty closely."
"We've been talking to the Iraqis consistently," the senior official
said. "This is critical to ensuring you have a basis to believe that
this really is a government for all Iraqis."
But at this point, the official said, "there's real concern that it's
stalled."
The impasse comes only a month after Chalabi, a secular Shiite who
pushed hard in 2003 for removal of the Baathists, announced in a news
conference in Baghdad that his panel would try to be more lenient with
former party members.
Officially, the government has reversed course on the policy of purging
Baathists from the public sector. But little actual change has been
brought about. Shiite political parties have only deepened their hold
on the civil service and the security forces.
Sunnis humiliated
The government already has set about dismantling statues and
renaming public spaces that celebrate Baathist causes and
anniversaries. Many Sunnis see such moves as a humiliating denigration
of their experiences.
In daily life, anti-Sunni remarks by well-connected Shiite prayer
leaders and politicians are common. Some, such as lawmaker Sheik
Jalaluddin Saghir, regularly equate Baathists with terrorists.
"We think the main problem with security is the Baathists, and we
should eliminate them," Sadruddin Qubanchi, a Shiite cleric, said in a
televised sermon from Najaf last month.
Copyright 2007 Los Angeles Times