Mideast allies near a state of panic
U.S. leaders' visits to the region reap only
warnings and worry.
By Paul Richter
Times Staff Writer
December 3, 2006
WASHINGTON — President Bush and his top advisors fanned out across the
troubled Middle East over the last week to showcase their diplomatic
initiatives to restore strained relationships with traditional allies
and forge new ones with leaders in Iraq.
But
instead of flaunting stronger ties and steadfast American influence,
the president's journey found friends both old and new near a state of
panic. Mideast leaders expressed soaring concern over upheavals across
the region that the United States helped ignite through its invasion of
Iraq and push for democracy — and fear that the Bush administration may
make things worse.
President Bush's summit in Jordan with the
Iraqi prime minister proved an awkward encounter that deepened doubts
about the relationship. Vice President Dick Cheney's stop in Riyadh,
the Saudi capital, yielded a blunt warning from the kingdom's leaders.
And Secretary of State Condoleezza Rice's swing through the West Bank
and Israel, intended to build Arab support by showing a new U.S. push
for peace, found little to work with.
In all, visits designed
to show the American team in charge ended instead in diplomatic
embarrassment and disappointment, with U.S. leaders rebuked and
lectured by Arab counterparts. The trips demonstrated that U.S. allies
in the region were struggling to understand what to make of the
difficult relationship, and to figure whether, with a new Democratic
majority taking over Congress, Bush even had control over his nation's
Mideast policy.
Arabs are "trying to figure out what the
Americans are going to do, and trying develop their own plans," said
Sen. Jack Reed (D-R.I.), one of his party's point men on Iraq. "They're
trying to figure out their Plan B."
The allies' predicament
was described by Jordan's King Abdullah II last week, before Bush
arrived in Amman, the capital. Abdullah, one of America's steadiest
friends in the region, warned that the Mideast faced the threat of
three simultaneous civil wars — in Iraq, Lebanon and the Palestinian
territories. And he made clear that the burden of dealing with it
rested largely with the United States.
"Something dramatic"
needed to come out of Bush's meetings with Iraqi Prime Minister Nouri
Maliki to defuse the three-way threat, Abdullah said, because "I don't
think we're in a position where we can come back and visit the problem
in early 2007."
The only regional leader to voice unqualified
support for the Bush administration has been Israeli Prime Minister
Ehud Olmert, who has gone so far as to say that the Iraq invasion
contributed to regional stability.
To Middle East observers,
Bush can no longer speak for the United States as he did before because
of the domestic pressure for a change of course in Iraq, said Nathan
Brown, a specialist on Arab politics at the Carnegie Endowment for
International Peace.
"He can talk all he wants about 'staying
until the job is done,' but these leaders can read about the American
political scene and see that he may not be able to deliver that," Brown
said.
The Bush-Maliki meeting Thursday, closely watched around
the world in anticipation of a possible change in U.S. strategy,
produced no shift in declared aims. Rather, it resulted in diplomatic
stumbles that seemed to belie the leaders' claims that their
relationship was intact.
On the eve of the summit, a leaked memo
written by Bush's national security advisor, Stephen Hadley, showed
that U.S. officials questioned Maliki's abilities. But the memo also
was a reminder of dwindling U.S. influence over Iraq. Some of the steps
that Hadley said the Iraqis should take, such as providing public
services to Sunni Arabs as well as Shiites, were moves that the
Americans had demanded for many months, without success.
The
leak of the memo cast a shadow over the summit, and Maliki abruptly
canceled the first scheduled meeting, a conversation among Bush, Maliki
and Abdullah. White House aides insisted that the cancellation was not
a snub.
One Middle East diplomat said later in an interview that
Maliki had canceled the meeting to put distance between him and Bush at
a time when Iraq's Shiite lawmakers and Cabinet ministers with ties to
militant cleric Muqtada Sadr had halted their participation in the
government to protest the summit.
On Saturday, in his regular radio address, Bush said that his
relationship with Maliki was, in fact, improving.
"With
each meeting, I'm coming to know him better, and I'm becoming more
impressed by his desire to make the difficult choices that will put his
country on a better path," Bush said.
During the trip, Bush
was unable to distance himself from the fierce debate about Iraq policy
back home. The president felt the need to respond to news accounts
saying that an advisory panel on Iraq would urge a gradual withdrawal
of combat troops from the region. He insisted that suggestions for such
a "graceful exit" were not realistic.
Despite this, Bush
repeated in his radio address that he intended to look for a bipartisan
solution to the war, and would listen to the recommendations of the
Iraq Study Group, which is scheduled to present its findings Wednesday.
He
also said that his own internal review, coming from Pentagon and White
House officials, among others, was near completion, suggesting that he
may be discussing the options before him over the next several days.
"I want to hear all advice before I make any decisions about
adjustments to our strategy in Iraq," Bush said.
Cheney's
trip to talk to Saudi King Abdullah was far less visible than Bush's
mission, but helped to make painfully clear the gap between U.S. goals
and those of its Arab allies.
U.S. officials said Cheney
initiated the trip. But foreign diplomats said that Saudi leaders
sought the visit to express their concern about the region, including
fears of a U.S. departure and what they see as excessive American
support for the Shiite faction in Iraq.
After the meeting with
Cheney, Saudi officials released an unusual statement pointedly
highlighting American responsibility for deterioration of stability in
the region.
The Saudi officials cited "the direct influence of
… the United States on the issues of the region" and said it was
important for U.S. influence "to be in accord with the region's actual
condition and its historical equilibrium," an apparent reference to the
Sunni-Shiite balance.
The Saudi statement also said the U.S.
in the Middle East should "pursue equitable means that contribute to
ending its conflicts," pointing to the Israeli-Palestinian situation.
The
statement "came pretty close to a rebuke, by Saudi standards," said
Charles W. Freeman Jr., a former U.S. ambassador to Saudi Arabia. "It
said, in effect, that the United States needs to behave responsibly."
There have been other signals of Saudi anxiety recently.
On
Wednesday, an advisor to the Saudi government wrote in the Washington
Post that if the United States pulled out of Iraq, "massive Saudi
intervention" would ensue to protect Sunnis from Shiite militias.
The
Saudi ambassador to the United States, Prince Turki al Faisal, warned
in a speech in October against an American withdrawal, saying that
"since the United States came into Iraq uninvited, it should not leave
Iraq uninvited."
Rice encountered the limits of U.S. influence
when she visited Jerusalem and the West Bank town of Jericho last week,
trying to entice Arab confidence by displaying a renewed interest in
Israeli-Palestinian peace.
But Palestinian Authority President
Mahmoud Abbas was gloomy about the prospects for a deal between his
Fatah party and the militant group Hamas that would allow formation of
a nonsectarian government and open the way for increased aid and,
potentially, peace talks with Israel.
Rice said afterward that the administration "cannot create the
circumstances" for peace.
"This is the kind of thing that takes time," she said. "You don't
expect great leaps forward."
Expressing
deeper unhappiness with the United States, leaders from Jordan, Egypt
and Persian Gulf countries told Rice during her trip to an economic
development conference in Jordan on Friday that the U.S. had a
responsibility to solve the Israeli-Palestinian conflict, which they
and many analysts viewed as the key to regional stability.
Amr
Moussa, secretary-general of the Arab League, urged greater U.S.
action, warning that the Middle East was becoming "an abyss…. The
region is facing real failure."
paul.richter@latimes.com
Times staff writers Doyle McManus and Peter Wallsten contributed to
this report.
Copyright 2006 Los Angeles Times