From the Los Angeles Times
ROSA BROOKS
Rosa Brooks: Terror-War Wackiness
The White House intends to comply with the
Supreme Court decision on detainees by turning the truth upside down.
Rosa Brooks
July 14, 2006
IN THOSE 12 terrible days following the U.S. Supreme Court's Hamdan
decision — which thoroughly eviscerated the White House's Orwellian
"war on terror" legal framework — the Bush administration's warrior
priests went through a brief but intense period of mourning.
Donald
Rumsfeld rent his garments and ordered the ritual "water-boarding" of
100 Army JAG officers. Alberto Gonzales woke screaming in the night
after a chilling visitation from the Ghost of Treaties Quaint. And W
pensively re-read "My Pet Goat," wondering how the story that began so
sweetly that September day could have turned out so terribly wrong.
But
John Yoo, a leading proponent of presidential "flexibility," refused to
despair. Yoo gained notoriety as an author of the infamous "torture
memo," which laid out novel legal justifications for detainee abuse.
And he wasn't about to let all his handiwork be undone by a handful of
activist judges.
The high court, Yoo insisted, was doing the
unforgivable: It was "attempting to suppress creative thinking." Was
the "bring 'em on" White House just going to knuckle under?
The
warrior priests regrouped, chanting, "Quitting is not an option." And
on the 13th day, the period of mourning ended and the era of creativity
resumed.
At first, the renaissance of Bush administration legal
creativity was not apparent to the uninitiated. On July 11, the White
House released a terse statement reversing a portion of a 2002
executive order in which the president had declared that "Common
Article 3 of [the Geneva Convention] does not apply to either Al Qaeda
or Taliban detainees."
On the surface, the July 11 White
House statement appeared ploddingly unimaginative: "As a result of the
Supreme Court decision, that portion of the [2002] order no longer
applies. The Supreme Court has clarified what the law is, and the
executive branch will comply."
The press rushed to report the
astonishing news: The president was going to obey the Supreme Court!
"Bowing to Justices, Administration Says It Will Apply Treaties to
Terror Suspects," trumpeted the Washington Post. No more naked
detainees led around on dog leashes! No more mock executions or
sadistic experiments with "dietary modification"!
The rule of
law had triumphed. Contrary to the fears of many, Bush had not, after
all, emulated President Andrew Jackson, who is said to have responded
to an unpopular 1832 decision, handed down by the legendary Chief
Justice John Marshall, with a cold shrug, saying: "John Marshall has
made his decision; now let him enforce it."
But the media had forgotten that it takes far more than a Supreme Court
order to kill this administration's legal creativity.
At
the White House, spokesman Tony Snow swiftly declared that the apparent
about-face was "not really a reversal of policy" because the Supreme
Court decision is "complex."
On Capitol Hill, Daniel
Dell'Orto, the principal deputy general counsel at the Pentagon,
elaborated: A Defense Department order stating that Common Article 3
now "applies as a matter of law to the conflict with Al Qaeda" didn't
"indicate a shift in policy." Oh, no, oh, no — the memo "just announces
the decision of the court and with specificity as to the decision as it
related to the commission process."
Perplexed by the
gobbledygook and contradiction — had the administration agreed to obey
the Supreme Court and provide the protections of the Geneva
Convention's Common Article 3 to detainees, or hadn't it? — the media
began to lose interest.
It was, after all, so very complex.
It
was left to blogger Marty Lederman to explain the genius of it all.
"Now that the administration has lost its … fight to deny the
applicability of Common Article 3" to the war on terror, Lederman
explained, "its new tactic appears to be to insist that its approved
detainee interrogation practices have — what do you know? — complied
with Common Article 3" all along!
Here's the "logic."
• The president has always insisted that we are treating all
detainees humanely.
•
To the president, "humane" interrogation techniques include dog
leashes, water-boarding and measures such as forcing a prisoner "to
stand naked in a cell kept near 50 degrees" while he is repeatedly
"doused with cold water."
• Because Common Article 3 requires
that detainees be treated "humanely," such techniques — being as the
president says, humane — satisfy Common Article 3.
• And
because they are "humane," such techniques obviously cannot be
understood as constituting "cruel treatment and torture" or "outrages
upon personal dignity, in particular humiliating and degrading
treatment," which are explicitly forbidden by the remaining language of
Common Article 3.
• Which in turn means that Bush
administration compliance with the Supreme Court's decision in Hamdan
requires no change in policy whatsoever.
Still don't get it, do you? Maybe you're something of a philistine,
incapable of appreciating great legal art?
Don't
despair. During Tuesday's Senate hearings on detainee rights, Justice
Department representative Steven Bradbury thoughtfully provided a
Cliffs Notes version of the administration's latest creative
masterpiece. "Under the law of war," he explained, "the president is
always right."
Creativity means never having to say you're sorry.
Copyright 2006 Los Angeles Times